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Transcript

A Century of Arab feminist writings

Rewatch the lecture of Professor Miriam Cooke from April 30th, 2025

Dear reader,

We are releasing the recording of the lecture given by Prof. Miriam Cooke on Arab feminism. As usual, you can find a short summary of its content below. This week, we also welcomed Munira Khayyat who gave a powerful and poetic lecture on war and ecology in South Lebanon, in the face of the Israeli occupation. As requested by Munira, we have not recorded her presentation, and therefore won’t be able to release it at a later stage. We will soon announce our last lecture of the semester, which we will host at the end of June. After that, we will take a summer break and come back this autumn with more events.

In the meantime, keep up the struggle against colonization!

The Decolonization in Dialogue team.

Summary of the lecture

Introduction

The "Arab world" consists of 22 countries stretching from Morocco in northwest Africa to the Gulf states in the east.

Thus, we discuss Arab feminisms, which are transnational and encompass a multitude of identities, and are not identical to Western feminism.

Two types of Arab feminism

Cooke identifies two types of Arab feminism: 1. religious/secular and 2. decolonial.

1. Religious/secular Arab feminism

Islamic feminism emerged in the 1990s amid a resurgence of Islamic fundamentalism. Muslim women redefined Islamic women's rights, including gender segregation and the wearing of the hijab (veil).

According to Cooke, gender segregation is mentioned only twice in the Quran, and then only in reference to the Prophet’s wives. The only woman whose name is the title of a sura (Quranic chapter) is the Virgin Mary. Cooke argues that gender segregation can be beneficial if chosen voluntarily, providing an alternative to homo-sociality in the form of a harem.

The concept of the veil/hijab is just as contested as the topic of gender segregation. While Arab Muslim feminists wear the hijab voluntarily as a religious symbol, many Arab writers see it as a symbol of patriarchy. Cooke argues that the veil is more a symbol of social class. Women in the Middle East have worn veils for 5,000 years, long before the rise of Islam. Islam did not introduce the hijab. Cooke points out that the Qur'an mentions the hijab seven times and never as a dress code.

Nevertheless, there have also been strong Arab voices against the mandatory wearing of the hijab throughout history. The most prominent opponents of the hijab have been Egyptian: Aisha Taymuriya (1889), Qasim Amin (1899)—the latter of whom argued the importance of women's education, especially for mothers—and Huda Shaarawi (1923), who founded the Egyptian Feminist Union. In Lebanon and Syria, a 19-year-old Druze woman named Nazira Zaineddine contributed to the public discourse about the veil in 1928. Zaineddine was not against wearing the veil per se but against making it mandatory. She based her arguments on Islamic sources, stating that the Prophet loved women as much as he loved prayer and perfume.

In her book The Veil and the Male Elite (1987), Moroccan writer Fatima Mernissi refers to Nazira Zaineddine, advocating that women study Islam and learn about their religious rights.

The education of women is a key issue that has been addressed by women's Sharia colleges and the 21st-century Islamic feminist movement. So-called hijabi activists engage in art, sports, and social media, considering the hijab a means of empowerment and respect.

2. Decolonial Arab feminism

Decolonial Arab feminism mobilizes against colonialism and patriarchy. In this context, Western feminism is considered colonial.

Secular feminism is closely linked to decolonial and national struggles, as well as the fight against violence against women, including female genital mutilation (FGM).

For example, in Algeria, the French colonial powers suppressed the veil, which then became a symbol of resistance and revolution during the fight for independence.

Similarly, during Iran's Islamic Revolution in 1979, the veil became a revolutionary symbol after being suppressed under the Shah regime.

More practically, the veil also enabled women to carry weapons. (Fanon: "Strategic femme").

After Algeria gained independence in 1962, women disappeared from positions of power and from the streets. This phenomenon is known as the "Algerian Lesson" for women in the Arab world.

Women have also played a role in Lebanon’s civil war and in the resistance against British and Israeli occupations. However, they have often been rendered ineffective due to increasing oppression from both outside and within the country. From 1967 to 1987, women dominated the first Palestinian Intifada. However, men gradually replaced words and civil protests with weapons.

Also, Tunisian women joined forces during the Jasmine Revolution of 2011. At least they managed to include a parity clause in the new constitution.

Nawal Saadawi (1931-2021), an Egyptian writer and activist, is the best-known secular feminist. Active all her life, she founded the Arab Women Solidarity Association in 1997. Others have also become famous, such as Asma Mahfuz, who was one of the initiators of the Egyptian Revolution in 2011.

Closing remarks

In her closing statement, Cooke concludes that multiple critiques exist due to intersectional discrimination. Ultimately, every society pays a price for excluding women and discriminating against them.